Years before becoming the 45th President of the United States, Donald Trump was firmly in support of legalizing drugs to end the drug war.
“We’re losing badly the war on drugs”, Trump said in a 1990 Miami Herald interview. “You have to legalize drugs to win that war. You have to take the profit away from these drug czars.”
Over 25 years later, and how newly-elected President Trump will handle the war on drugs is yet to be seen. On the campaign trail he mostly strayed away from the subject; the comments he did make were unfortunately more aligned with a typical Republican candidate than his 1990 remarks, but what he’ll actually do as president is entirely unknown.
What is clear, however, is that there was a point when Trump supported legalization; and it was decades before it has become a mainstream issue. With this is mind, it may be worth giving Trump a chance on the issue; or at the very least it’s something to be slightly optimistic about. Of course with cabinet picks like Jeff Sessions for Attorney General, there’s also plenty of reason for pessimism.
Point being, Trump may or may not end up being a president that increases or helps diminish the drug war; but if he chooses to expand it there’s clearly no excuses, as he knew better many years ago.
An income tax proposal continues to be a political kiss of death in New Hampshire, and no current gubernatorial candidate has proposed one. That almost certainly means more years of muddling along with a regressive tax system, insufficient revenue, underfunded schools, neglected responsibilities and all the other ills of a budget that relies on robbing Peter to pay Paul.
The only interesting revenue proposal to come from a gubernatorial candidate so far was put on the table by former Portsmouth mayor and Democratic candidate for governor Steve Marchand. He wants to see marijuana legalized and taxed. He estimates that would raise $30 million per year, which could be used to restore school building aid and help fund education.
Marchand would raise another $30 million by increasing the Business Profits Tax. That’s a wrongheaded and counterproductive idea with no chance of passage. But his tax on marijuana should be studied.
A bill sponsored by Republican Rep. Michael Brewster of Barnstead called for doing just that, but it was declared inexpedient to legislate earlier this year.
New Hampshire, the first state to establish a lottery and a pioneer in opening liquor stores in interstate rest areas, will not lead the charge to tax marijuana.
Four states and the District of Columbia have legalized the recreational use of marijuana by adults and five more, including Vermont and Massachusetts, will vote on whether to do so this fall.
Colorado and Washington already do so, and so far they’ve raised about double the revenue they expected. New Hampshire, should it legalize sales, will do what it always does: Locate outlets on its borders and structure pricing to maximize sales to nonresidents.
Legalization would be a tough sell and, given the drug’s harmful effect on the developing brains of youth, would have to be tightly regulated. But as Canada’s Prime Minister Justin Trudeau pointed out recently in arguing for legalization and taxation, the young already have easy access to marijuana of unknown potency at affordable prices.
Often, if not typically, marijuana is purchased from dealers who also offer other illicit wares, including amphetamines, pyschedelics and even hard drugs. They have an incentive to urge customers to upgrade, and purchasing any of the drugs makes the buyer a criminal. That, we believe, is the most important way marijuana can function as a gateway drug.
Legalize marijuana use and move its sale into state stores, and several things will happen. Buyers won’t become criminals and burden the justice system. The gateway effect will be minimized. Criminals, including drug gangs, will be denied a big portion of their revenue and easy access to customers. That alone is a strong argument in favor of legalization.
Marijuana is a multi-billion-dollar industry, one that is growing rapidly. As the state dominoes fall, the federal government will rethink the way it classifies the drug.
Already, Microsoft has created software to allow the easy tracking and accounting of marijuana sales, and eventually the federal prohibition on accepting funds from marijuana transactions will be lifted.
It’s too soon to give an unqualified thumbs up to marijuana legalization but not too soon to formally study the idea and track the outcome in other states.
Should the change be made, the revenue raised, even if it’s twice Marchand’s estimate, won’t be enough to put an end to New Hampshire’s structural deficit. But it might be enough to help the state meet its responsibility to its students, poor, disabled and mentally ill.
Solving the problem long term will take what no politician in recent years has dared to propose: an income tax.
Jennilyn Olayres weeping over the body of her husband, Michael Siaron, who was killed in the Manila metropolitan area last month.CreditCzar Dancel/Reuters
MANILA — Since Rodrigo Duterte became president of the Philippinesjust over a month ago, promising to get tough on crime by having the police and the military kill drug suspects, 420 people have been killed in the campaign, according to tallies of police reports by the local news media.
Most were killed in confrontations with the police, while 154 were killed by unidentified vigilantes. This has prompted 114,833 people to turn themselves in, as either drug addicts or dealers, since Mr. Duterte took office, according to national police logs.
Addressing Congress last week in his first State of the Nation address, Mr. Duterte reiterated his take-no-prisoners approach, ordering the police to “triple” their efforts against crime.
“We will not stop until the last drug lord, the last financier and the last pusher have surrendered or been put behind bars or below the ground, if they so wish,” he said.
But human rights groups, Roman Catholic activists and the families of many of those killed during the crackdown say that the vast majority were poor Filipinos, many of whom had nothing to do with the drug trade. They were not accorded an accusation and a trial, but were simply shot down in the streets, the critics say.
“These are not the wealthy and powerful drug lords who actually have meaningful control over supply of drugs on the streets in thePhilippines,” said Phelim Kine, a deputy director of Human Rights Watch in Asia.
“We’re small people, insignificant.”
JENNILYN OLAYRES, WHOSE HUSBAND WAS KILLED BY UNIDENTIFIED GUNMEN
Critics of the president’s campaign have rallied around the case of Michael Siaron, a 29-year-old rickshaw driver in Manila, who was shot one night by unidentified gunmen as he pedaled his vehicle in search of a passenger. When his wife rushed to the scene, a photographer took a picture of her cradling his body in the street, and the photograph quickly gained wide attention.
Scribbled in block letters on a cardboard sign left near his body was the word “pusher.” His family members insist that he was not involved in the drug trade, though they said he sometimes used meth.
Indirectly acknowledging criticism that his policies trample over the standard judicial process, Mr. Duterte said that human rights “cannot be used as a shield to destroy the country.”
He has called for drug users and sellers to turn themselves in or risk being hunted down, a threat backed up by the bodies piling up near daily on the streets of Philippine cities.
The approach appears to be driving down crime: The police say that they have arrested more than 2,700 people on charges related to using or selling illegal drugs, and that crime nationwide has fallen 13 percent since the election, to 46,600 reported crimes in June, from 52,950 in May.
Mr. Duterte’s crackdown has been hugely popular. Filipinos, pummeled by years of violent crime and corrupt, ineffective law enforcement, handed him an overwhelming victory in the May presidential election, and have largely embraced his approach.
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Former addicts and dealers took an oath last month, promising not to use or sell drugs, in Tanauan, south of Manila, as part of a government campaign.CreditErik De Castro/Reuters
A national opinion poll conducted after his election and just before he took office found that 84 percent of Filipinos had “much trust” in him.
The model for Mr. Duterte’s policies is Davao City, where he was mayor for most of the past 20 years. Draconian laws there, including a strict curfew and a smoking ban as well as a zero-tolerance approach to drug users and sellers, have been credited with turning the city into an oasis of safety in a region plagued by violence.
The dark side of that approach was that more than 1,000 people were killed by government-sanctioned death squads during his administration, according to several independent investigations.
Mr. Duterte has denied having direct knowledge of death squads, but he has long called for addressing crime by killing suspects, whom he calls criminals and has referred to as “a legitimate target of assassination.”
He has repeatedly said that those hooked on meth, the most popular drug here, were beyond saving or rehabilitation.
He ran for president largely on the pledge of applying the same policies nationwide, promising to kill 100,000 criminals in his first six months in office. While the number may have been typical Duterte bravado, the threat of mass killing appears to have been real.
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On Tuesday, the International Drug Policy Consortium, a network of nongovernmental organizations, issued a letter urging the United Nations drug control agencies “to demand an end to the atrocities currently taking place in the Philippines” and to state unequivocally that extrajudicial killings “do not constitute acceptable drug control measures.”
Ramon Casiple, a political analyst at the Institute for Political and Electoral Reform, said that he shared those concerns but that it was too early to decide whether Mr. Duterte’s approach is effective. “Let’s give him his 100 days,” Mr. Casiple said.
Mr. Duterte has recently raised his sights beyond street-level users and dealers, accusing five police generals of protecting drug lords, though he presented no specific evidence.
He also publicly accused a mayor, the mayor’s son and a prominent businessman of drug trafficking, threatening their lives if they did not surrender.
But the people killed on the street tend to be more like Mr. Siaron, the rickshaw driver.
Mr. Siaron lived with his wife in a shack above a garbage-strewn creek. Having never finished high school, he survived on odd jobs like house painting and working in fast-food restaurants.
Lately he had been pedaling a rickshaw, earning about $2 a day ferrying passengers though the warren of alleyways in a run-down part of metropolitan Manila.
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The body of a drug suspect killed in a police operation last month in metropolitan Manila. President Rodrigo Duterte took office in late June, vowing to deploy the police and the military to kill such suspects to reduce crime.CreditCzar Dancel/Reuters
On the night he died, he had stopped by his father’s fruit stand to ask for an apple.
Then he told his father he would seek one more fare before heading home. As he rode off, gunmen on motorcycles sped by, pumping several bullets into him.
What happened next turned him into a national symbol of the human toll of Mr. Duterte’s war.
When she heard he had been shot, Mr. Siaron’s wife, Jennilyn Olayres, ran into the street, burst through police lines and collapsed next to him on the asphalt. The photographer snapped the picture: a distraught woman cradling her lifeless husband under a streetlight, a Pietà of the Manila slums.
The police have not commented publicly about the case and have not accused Mr. Siaron of selling drugs.
“My husband was a simple man,” Ms. Olayres said at his wake several days later. “He may have used drugs, but he was not violent and never bothered anyone. His only concern was looking for passengers so we can eat three meals a day.”
During his speech to Congress, Mr. Duterte dismissed the photo, which had appeared on the front page of The Philippine Daily Inquirer the previous day under the banner headline “Thou shall not kill.”
“There you are sprawled on the ground, and you are portrayed in a broadsheet like Mother Mary cradling the dead cadaver of Jesus Christ,” he said. “That’s just drama.”
But if the antidrug campaign has targeted people on the margins of society, Mr. Siaron is an apt symbol.
“We’re small people, insignificant,” Ms. Olayres said through sobs as she stood next to her husband’s coffin. “We may be invisible to you, but we are real. Please stop the killings.”
It’s official, Donald Trump’s plus-one on the Republican ticket is Indiana Governor Mike Pence and no matter what side of the war on drugs you think Trump will land on – one thing is clear, Mike Pence is terrible for cannabis legalization.
Pence’s anti-cannabis view is not in step with his constituents, and it won’t be with the American people either.
Going back to at least 2012, a majority of Indianans support legalization. An October 2012 Howey/DePauw Indiana Battleground Poll revealed 54% favored decriminalization and 38% opposed. When the April 2013 Howey Politics Poll asked the same question, 56% favored and 37% opposed. However, Gov. Pence remains a steadfast adversary to Indiana’s marijuana movement.
This year, more than half, 58 percent, of Americans are polling in favor of legalization. But that doesn’t guarantee the GOP nominees will back up the will of the American people when it comes to legalization.
Trump enjoys flip-flopping on issues from nuclear proliferation to abortion, so there’s really no telling where he will stand on medical marijuana and legalization.
Many cannabis supporters hold onto the hope that he will be the Republican to finally support cannabis because of his love of money and business. For instance, marijuana is expected to become a $44 BILLION dollar a year business by the year 2020, according to a forecast from The Marijuana Business Factbook on CBS.
Here’s The Donald’s stance(s) on legalization:
“In terms of marijuana and legalization, I think that should be a state issue, state-by-state. … Marijuana is such a big thing. I think medical should happen — right? Don’t we agree? I think so. And then I really believe we should leave it up to the states.” Washington Post, October 29, 2015
“I’d say [regulating marijuana] is bad. Medical marijuana is another thing, but I think it’s bad and I feel strongly about that. [Moderator: “What about the states’ right aspect of it?”] If they vote for it, they vote for it… But I think, medical marijuana, 100%.” C-SPAN, June 23, 2015
“We’re losing badly the War on Drugs. You have to legalize drugs to win that war. You have to take the profit away from these drug czars.” Miami Herald, April 14, 1990
The Marijuana Policy Project (MPP) agrees, Trump isn’t a complete failure when it comes to cannabis. They give him a ‘C+’, because he sometimes says that he is for states’ rights, and a businessman. Not to be pinned to his words, Trump and his campaign have shown they can and will defend Trump’s most recent position on any given issue. The most recent example is the Trump camp’s denial of Melania Trump’s speech plagiarizing parts of First Lady Michelle Obama’s 2008 speech. The Trump campaign then did a 180-degree turnaround, acknowledging that it indeed did happen – and then praised the mistake for making Melania’s speech the talk of the town.
Despite a majority of the state supporting the plant, Indiana continues to enforce some of the most severe punishments for marijuana in the nation — penalties for marijuana-related offensesrange from about 1-6 years and $1,000 – $10,000 dollars. Albeit harsh, it’s still better than it was prior to 2013’s Indiana Criminal Code Revision. The revision to Indiana’s criminal code, House Bill 1006, was a reflection of the growing support for marijuana law reform.
Pence signed it into law when he first entered office but quickly vocalized his disdain for the reform at a press conference. “I think we need to focus on reducing crime, not reducing penalties,” said Pence.
In the lead-up to the 2012 Indiana gubernatorial elections, he clearly spoke out against cannabis at the Fort Wayne gubernatorial debate. On medical marijuana, Mike Pence called it a gateway drug, “I would not support the decriminalization of marijuana. I’ve seen too many people become involved with marijuana and get sidetracked. We need to get more serious about confronting the scourge of drugs.”
Trump is the king of adaptation, he and his VP pick will conform to the Republican National Committee’s stance.
“The progress made over the last three decades against drug abuse is eroding, whether for cultural reasons or for lack of national leadership. In many jurisdictions, marijuana is virtually legalized despite its illegality under federal law. At the other end of the drug spectrum, heroin use nearly doubled from 2003 to 2013, while deaths from heroin have quadrupled. All this highlights the continuing conflicts and contradictions in public attitudes and public policy toward illegal substances. Congress and a new administration should consider the long range implications of these trends for public health and safety and prepare to deal with the problematic consequences.”
Lumping together medical marijuana and opioids under one heading, the Republican National Committee is leaps and bounds behind the more progressive Democratic platform. As stated in a draft of their party platform:
“We believe that the states should be laboratories of democracy on the issue of marijuana, and those states that want to decriminalize marijuana should be able to do so. We support policies that will allow more research on marijuana, as well as reforming our laws to allow legal marijuana businesses to exist without uncertainty. And we recognize our current marijuana laws have had an unacceptable disparate impact, with arrest rates for marijuana possession among African Americans far outstripping arrest rates among whites, despite similar usage rates.”
By far, the most 420-friendly nominees belong to the Green and Libertarian parties. Gary Johnson is the only third-party candidate on the leadership board, currently polling at 13 percent, according to the latest CNN/ORC poll. Hillary Clinton has 42 percent, Donald Trump 37 percent.
What’s exciting about these polling numbers is if Gary Johnson holds steady at 15 percent, he could be invited on the debate stage with Clinton and Trump.
The VP pick, the RNC platform, and rumors that New Jersey Governor Chris Christie could be tapped for Attorney General all point to the rolling back of any progress the marijuana movement has seen in the past decade. As Governor of New Jersey, Chris Christie has single-handedly strangled his state’s medical marijuana program. It’s hard to prescribe, obtain, and dispense cannabis in The Garden State because of the anti-marijuana politician.
The combination of Pence and Christie atop of the Republican National Committee’s anti-marijuana platform will have Trump running far away from any support he once had for legalization and the cannabis industry.
“We’re losing badly the war on drugs”, Trump said in a 1990 Miami Herald interview. “You have to legalize drugs to win that war. You have to take the profit away from these drug czars.”
