Friday, December 25, 2015

The Psychoactive Opioid Kratom Can Force a Broader Drug Legalization Debate

from inverse.com


The leafy green drug's Xanax-like high has officials itching to ban it, but it has the potential to treat addiction to more serious drugs.


Yasmin TayagDecember 4, 2015


As the pot debate rages on, kratom, a psychoactive drug made from the leaves of a Southeast Asian tree, is quietly flooding the online recreational drug market. Its Xanax-like high, rumored side effects, and addictive potential have some state drug enforcers itching to ban it. But, as physicians at a Wisconsin hearing pointed out on Tuesday, it’s a lot less dangerous than the prescription opioids that have almost 9 million Americans in their grip. It might even offer a way to help.
Is kratom fated to undergo unnecessary criminalization, following in the steps of its now widely accepted and medically beneficial green predecessor? The answer to that question is relevant not only for users, but for precedent.
The scientific data needed to make a reasoned decision is lacking, but history provides the necessary framework. In Thailand, the leaves were traditionally chewed by field laborers seeking an extra boost, much like coca leaves in Peru. Planting the kratom-producing Mitragyna speciosa tree became illegal in 1943 — but not necessarily for safety reasons: Some officials have argued that the ban was enacted because kratom offered a way out of opium addiction at a time when the opium industry was raking in profits. Despite the ban, which wasalmost overturned in 2013 to help wean addicts off harder drugs like meth, kratom tea still remains popular, most often cut with cough syrup and Coca Cola to make a cocktail known locally as “4x100.”
America’s relationship with the drug is still in its early stages. The DEA classifies it as a “drug of concern” but hasn’t banned it outright. Kratom’s major psychoactive substance, an alkaloid called mytraginine, has opioid-like effects — stimulation and pain relief at low doses, sedation at high doses, and euphoria at even higher ones. Different varieties (stateside, our relationship with kratom is still in its early stages) — “Bali” for euphoria, “Green Vein Kali” for painkilling and stimulation — are comically easy to buy online.
In Thailand, kratom tea is mixed with cough syrup and Coca Cola to make a narcotic cocktail known as “4x100.”
In Thailand, kratom tea is mixed with cough syrup and Coca Cola to make a narcotic cocktail known as "4x100."

Different varieties promise different highs — “Bali” for euphoria, “Green Vein Kali” for painkilling and stimulation — thanks to compounds that also trigger serotonergic and adrenergic activity.
These effects can be fun: Kratom can provide everything from relaxation to a boost in sex drive to stress relief. Because kratom can trick the brain into feeling like it’s on morphine, its effects can also be helpful. This is specifically true in regards to opioid addicts, a not inconsiderable American population. Those concerned with their or other’s prescription drug abuse have used it as substitute for physically addictive opioids like hydrocodone, documenting their experiences on message boards all over the internet.
Which is all to say that kratom is undoubtedly a drug and doubtedly a dangerous one. Its arrival on the U.S. market and adoption as a psychoactive aperitif would have, in the past, put drug enforcement agencies in the Caesarian position of giving a thumbs up or thumbs down. Inaction would be the more radical action. But, in the wake of states legalizing marijuana, the law-and-order default no longer represents political self inoculation. Unnecessary drug bans — and all drug bans are considered unnecessary to some — are politically unpopular and often heaped in medical and scientific scorn. Kratom is unlikely to become part of the mainstream drug debate, but its positive effects could make it a martyr if a ban is instituted.
That’s not to say that kratom doesn’t have negative effects or addictive potential.Withdrawal causes hostility, aggression, and diminishment of emotional control. And the lack of sound data on its effects make self-medication a risky endeavor. The supply chain is also questionable at best. Buying drugs off the internet, though common practice, is generally more dangerous than not buying drugs off the internet. But, like weed, kratom seems to strike a rare balance: It offers noticeable effects but appears to be (pending study) relatively benign.
There is plenty of reason for the government to finance or conduct research on kratom but little reason to ban it without reproducible results. That, of course, augurs nothing unless drug agencies confirmation bias has diminished in strength or changed vector.
Kratom is the drug to watch. It could represent the frothy front of a coming wave of commercially available psychoactive remedies and it could represent nothing but itself, the prunings of a non-native species.
Photos via Getty
Yasmin Tayag is a writer and former biologist living in New York City. A Toronto girl at heart, her writing also appears in The Last Magazine and SciArt in America, and you might recognize her as a former host of Scientific American's YouTube series Instant Egghead.






Monday, September 21, 2015

What Technology Can’t Change About Happiness

from nautil.us


As pills and gadgets proliferate, what matters is still social connection.



In 2014, researchers at the University of Warwick in England announced they had found a strong association between a gene mutation identified with happiness and well-being. It’s called 5-HTTLPR and it affects the way our body metabolizes the neurotransmitter serotonin, which helps regulate our moods, sex drives, and appetites. The study asks why some nations, notably Denmark, consistently top “happiness indexes,” and wonders whether there may be a connection between a nation and the genetic makeup of its people. Sure enough, controlling for work status, religion, age, gender, and income, the researchers discovered those with Danish DNA had a distinct genetic advantage in well-being. In other words, the more Danish DNA one has, the more likely he or she will report being happy.
This tantalizing piece of research is not the only example of the power of feel-good genes. One body of research suggests we are genetically pre-programmed with a happiness “set point”—a place on the level of life satisfaction to which, in the absence of a fresh triumph or disappointment, our mood seems to return as surely as a homing pigeon to its base. As much as 50 percent of this set point, some researchers have demonstrated, is determined genetically at birth. The genetic determinants of a higher set point may be what the Danes are blessed with.
Neuroscientists are also studying a gene variant that leads to higher levels of a brain chemical called anandamide, which contributes to a sense of calm. Individuals with mutations that cause them to make less of an enzyme that metabolizes anandamide are less prone to trudge through life with the weight of the world on their shoulders. In 2015, Richard A. Friedman, a professor of clinical psychiatry at Weill Cornell Medical College, lamented in a New York Times op-ed “that we are all walking around with a random and totally unfair assortment of genetic variants that make us more or less content, anxious, depressed or prone to use drugs.” “What we really need,” Friedman continued, “is a drug that can boost anandamide—our bliss molecule—for those who are genetically disadvantaged. Stay tuned.”
“Close relationships and social connections keep you happy and healthy. Basically, humans are wired for personal connections.”
Some scientists have already tuned in to the future. James J. Hughes, a sociologist, author, and futurist at Hartford’s Trinity College, envisions a day not too far from now when we will unravel the genetic determinants of key neurotransmitters like serotonin, dopamine, and oxytocin, and be able to manipulate happiness genes—if not 5-HTTLPR then something like it—with precise nanoscale technologies that marry robotics and traditional pharmacology. These “mood bots,” once ingested, will travel directly to specific areas of the brain, flip on genes, and manually turn up or down our happiness set point, coloring the way we experience circumstances around us. “As nanotechnology becomes more precise, we’re going to be able to affect mood in increasingly precise ways in ordinary people,” says Hughes, who also serves as executive director of the Institute for Ethics and Emerging Technologies, and authored the 2004 book Citizen Cyborg: Why Democratic Societies Must Respond to the Redesigned Human of the Future.
It would be easy to conclude the redesigned human of the future will be able to pop a mood bot and live in bliss. But not so fast, say psychologists, sociologists, and neurologists who study happiness. Just because scientists have decoded some of the underlying biology of this ineffable state of being, paving the way for a drug to stimulate it, does not guarantee that our great-great-grandchildren will live happy and satisfying lives. Human nature is more than biology, the scientists assure us. And generations of happiness research offer a clear window into what it takes to live a long and satisfying life.
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TOGETHER: Strong personal relationships lead to better health outcomes, and can shift the architecture of the brain.Constance Bannister Corp / Getty

The squishiness of the term “happiness” has long caused problems for those who study it. To gauge happiness and sidestep semantic problems, many of the psychologists who have tried to quantify it have used a measure called “Subjective Well-Being.” This measure, as its name implies, relies on individuals themselves to tell researchers how happy they are. Ed Diener, a University of Virginia psychologist nicknamed “Dr. Happiness,” pioneered the approach in the 1980s. Today, Diener serves as a senior scientist at The Gallup Organization, which provides a key survey used in happiness indexes put out by most groups compiling such lists, including the United Nations.
But in recent years, a growing number of researchers have begun to acknowledge that this isn’t a particularly good fix; maybe a little more refinement is needed. What we really mean when we tell a researcher from a place like Gallup that we are “happy” can vary widely. If you ask a teenager or young adult to rate his happiness, he’s liable to base his answer on his weekend plans, how much money he has in his pocket, and how his peers treated him during lunch break. If you ask somebody with a little more mileage—someone with children, for instance—they are liable to look at a bigger picture, even if they have a bad back that’s been acting up, no babysitter for Saturday, and an appointment that afternoon for a colonoscopy.
Over the past decade or so, a growing number of researchers have begun to rethink exactly what happiness is and distinguish between two types: “hedonic” happiness, that positive mental high, and “eudaimonic” happiness. Aristotle was referring to this second kind when he wrote 2,300 years ago: “Happiness is the meaning and the purpose of life, the whole aim and end of human existence.” This is the kind of happiness that qualifies a life well-lived, time on this planet well-spent. Medical technology may soon be able to engineer a momentary absence of fear, or the presence of a moment-to-moment sense of well-being, but engineering this second kind of happiness would be far more difficult.
Daniel Gilbert, a Harvard psychologist and author of the best-selling Stumbling On Happiness, suggests humans are already hardwired to raise their own hedonistic happiness, and we’re pretty good at it, without resorting to mood bots. Gilbert has spent his career studying the way we convince ourselves to accept our external circumstances, and return to a hedonic equilibrium, no matter what comes.
In a 2004 TED talk, Gilbert powerfully demonstrates this by displaying two pictures side by side. The picture on the left depicts a man in a black cowboy hat holding up an oversized lottery check. He has just won $314.9 million. The picture on the right displays another man, approximately the same age, sitting in a wheelchair, being pushed up a ramp. “Here are two different futures that I invite you to contemplate, and you can try to simulate them and tell me which one you think you might prefer,” Gilbert says to the audience. Data exists, he assures them, on how happy groups of lottery winners and paraplegics are. The fact is, a year after losing the use of their legs, and a year after winning the lotto, lottery winners are only slightly happier with their lives than paraplegics are.
The findings are unequivocal: Online connection decreases depression, reduces loneliness, and increases levels of perceived social support.
The reason people fail to appreciate that both groups are equally happy is a counterintuitive phenomenon that Gilbert calls “impact bias,” a tendency to overestimate the hedonic impact of future events. We see this tendency, he notes, with winning or not winning an election, gaining or losing a romantic partner, winning or not winning a promotion, passing or not passing a college exam. All these events “have far less impact, far less intensity, and for much less duration than people expect them to have.”
It’s that happiness set point again, returning to its base. But surely some things affect happiness? In fact, Gilbert tells Nautilus, “Much of our happiness is produced by things that have long evolutionary histories. I will place any wager that in 2045 people are still happy when they see their children prosper, when they taste chocolate, when they feel loved, secure, and well fed.”
These are the “staples of happiness,” he continues. “It would take an evolutionary change on the order of species to even consider the possibility that those would change too. This question could have been posed a few years ago, 300 years ago, 2,000 years ago. It would never have been wrong to say, ‘You are the most social animal on Earth, invest in your social relationships, it will be a form of happiness.’ ” It’s an answer that is so obvious that most people dismiss it.
“There is utterly no secret about the kind of things that make people happy,” Gilbert says. “But if you list them for people, they go, ‘Yeah, that kind of sounds like what my rabbi, grandmother, my philosopher have said all along. What’s the secret?’ The answer is there is no secret. They were right.”
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WHO’S HAPPIER?: The Harvard psychologist Daniel Gilbert has pointed out that lottery winners are only slightly happier a year after their win, than paraplegics are a year after losing the use of their legs.Keystone-France / Getty (left) and Barcroft / Getty (right)

Perhaps the most compelling evidence on the importance of relationships stems from a study of a cohort of people who are today mostly grandparents themselves. The information is stored in a cramped room in downtown Boston, lined with file cabinets that hold the details of one of the most comprehensive longitudinal studies on the development of healthy, male adults ever compiled: the Harvard Study of Adult Development, previously known as the Grant Study in Social Adjustments.
In 1938, researchers began conducting tests and interviewing carefully selected college sophomores from the all-male Harvard classes of 1939, 1940, and 1941. The men were chosen not because they had problems that made them likely to fail, but because they showed promise. (The cohort included, among others, future president John F. Kennedy and Ben Bradlee, who would lead the Washington Post during Watergate.) The original intent was to follow these men, who seemed destined for success, for perhaps 15 to 20 years. Today, more than 75 years later, the study is still going. Thirty of the original 268 men in the study are still alive.
In 1967, the files were merged with the Glueck Study, a similar effort that included a second group of 456 poor, non-delinquent, white kids who grew up in Boston’s inner city in the early 1940s. Of those, about 80 are still around, though the ones that aren’t lived, on average, nine years less than those in the Harvard cohort.
In 2009, the study’s longest-serving former director George Vaillant was asked by Joshua Wolf Shenk of The Atlantic what he considered the most important finding of the Grant study since its inception. “The only thing that really matters in life are your relations to other people,” he responded.
After Shenk’s article came out, Vaillant found himself under attack from skeptics around the globe. In response, Vaillant created what he called the “Decathlon of Flourishing,” which included a list of 10 accomplishments in late life (60-80) that might be considered success. They included earning an income in the study’s top quartile, recognition in Who’s Who in America, low psychological distress, success and enjoyment in work, love, and play since age 65, good physical and mental health, social support other than wife and kids, a good marriage, and a close relationship with kids.
High scores in all of these categories turned out to be highly correlated with one another. But of all the factors he looked at, only four were highly correlated with success on all the measures, and those all had to do with relationships. Once again, he proved that it was the capacity for intimate relationships that predicted success in all aspects of the men’s lives.
“Mood bots,” once ingested, will travel directly to specific areas of the brain, flip on genes, and manually turn up or down happiness.
However, Vaillant, who detailed his findings in the 2012 book Triumphs of Experience, objects to the term “happiness.” “The most important thing in happiness is to get the word out of your vocabulary,” he says. “The point is that a great deal of happiness is simply hedonism and I feel OK today because I’ve just had a Big Mac or a good bowel movement. That has very little to do with a sense of well-being. The secret to well-being is experiencing positive emotions.” And the secret to that, Vaillant argues, might sound trite. But you can’t argue with the facts. The secret is love.
“In the 1960s and ’70s, I would have been laughed at,” to suggest such a thing, Vaillant says. “But here I was finding hard data to support the fact that your relationships are the most important single thing in your well-being. It’s been gratifying to find support for something as sentimental as love.”
Robert Waldinger, the psychiatrist and Harvard Medical School professor who currently leads the study, notes that it is not just measures of material success and psychological feelings of well-being that are linked to good relationships. It’s also physical health.
“The biggest take home from a lot of this, is that the quality of people’s relationships are way more important than what we thought they were—not just for emotional well-being but also for physical health,” he says. Marital happiness at age 50, he says, is a more important predictor of physical health at 80 than cholesterol levels at 50. “Close relationships and social connections keep you happy and healthy. That is the bottom line. People who were more concerned with achievement or less concerned with connection were less happy. Basically, humans are wired for personal connections.”
Not only did strong personal relationships lead to better health outcomes, it affected the architecture of the brain. People who feel socially isolated get sicker earlier, their brains decay earlier, their memories are worse, Waldinger says. Using brain-scan technologies, Waldinger and his team discovered that those who were most satisfied with their lives had greater brain connectivity. Their brains lit up more robustly when they looked at visual images than people who were less satisfied.
“The people who were most engaged were the happiest,” Waldinger says. “They could be raising kids, they could be planting a garden, they could be running a corporation. If you really care about something, if it means something to you, and particularly if you have meaningful engagement with other people when you do these things—those are the things that light you up.”
Even Nicholas Christakis, a Yale sociologist, who coauthored a seminal study of twins that demonstrated a 33 percent variation in life satisfaction could be attributed to the 5-HTTLPR gene, agrees that the key component to happiness is social. “I’m very skeptical that technological advances will affect what I regard as foundational features of human nature,” he says. “So I don’t think that any technological developments or futuristic things are going to fundamentally affect our capacity for happiness.”
Christakis, who studies social networks, says the influence of genes like 5-HTTLPR on happiness is less direct than a straight subjective feeling of well-being (though that may be part of it). Instead, he suggests, it’s their effect on our behavior that may be key—and the effect that has on our relationships. “It’s not just what genes do inside our body, how they modify our neurophysiology or transmitters, but what genes do outside our body, how they affect how many friends you make, or whether you will pick happy or sad friends, which also affects happiness,” Christakis says. “Even if you have genes that predispose you to pick happy friends, the unavailability of them may make you unhappy.”
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Generations of happiness research, stressing the importance of personal relationships, drops us into the middle of a surprisingly contemporary debate. We live in an increasingly networked society, and the rate of us in social networks, and the amount of time we spend online, continues to grow each year. Vaillant, of the longitudinal Harvard study, has no hesitation in saying what our lives online are doing to us.
“Technology drives us up into our cortex away from our heart,” he says. “What makes the world go round is not technology. It’s not having a better and better iPhone; I’ve got a fancy new phone and I just hate it. The technology is just going to distract us back into our heads so that my daughter feels it’s cooler to text someone than it is to talk to them on the telephone. That doesn’t bode well for happiness in 2050.”
The fears of a dystopian new world, where we all text at the dinner table and have problems making eye contact, were perhaps most articulately summed up by Sherry Turkle, professor of the Social Studies of Science and Technology in the science, technology, and society program at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. She explores the paradox of how technology connects us, yet also makes us lonelier, in her 2011 book Alone Together: Why We Expect More from Technology and Less from Each Other.
“Human relationships are rich and they’re messy and they’re demanding,” she argues passionately in a 2012 TED talk. “And we clean them up with technology. And when we do, one of the things that can happen is that we sacrifice conversation for mere connection. We short-change ourselves. And over time, we seem to forget this, or we seem to stop caring.”
Some of the earliest studies on the use of the Internet and technology supported the idea that the networked age was driving us toward a sad, lonely future. In a groundbreaking 1998 study, Robert E. Kraut, a researcher at Carnegie Mellon University, recruited volunteer families with high-school-aged children, gave them computers and Internet access, and then tracked their usage. The more his participants used the Internet, he found, the more their depression increased, and the more social support and other measures of psychological well-being declined.
Since then there have been other negative studies and a spate of bad press. One widely cited 2012 study conducted by researchers at Utah Valley University of 425 undergraduates found that the more they used Facebook, the more they felt that others were happier and had better lives than they did. The researchers named the study, “They Are Happier and Having Better Lives Than I Am: The Impact of Using Facebook on Perceptions of Others’ Lives.”
Even the Vatican has expressed concern. In 2011, Pope Benedict XVI warned in one of his messages to the world that “virtual contact cannot and must not take the place of direct human contact.”
But in recent years, a more nuanced consensus has begun to emerge—a consensus that suggests technology is not such a bad thing for human relationships. Carnegie Mellon’s Kraut now argues that his 1998 study might tell us about the present. The problem, he says, was there were comparatively fewer people on the Internet at the time. The individuals who participated in his study were forced to communicate with people they did not know in far-flung places, what Kraut calls “weak ties.” “What we realized is that by necessity they had to talk to relative strangers,” he says. “But that was the early days. Now virtually everybody you know is online.”
Kraut’s more recent research has found that today most people spend their time online communicating with people with whom they already have strong ties. In those cases, he argues, the findings are unequivocal: Online connection decreases depression, reduces loneliness, and increases levels of perceived social support.
It does so by enhancing offline relationships. Online interactions, like offline ones, are more fulfilling if they are with people with whom we have strong ties. They mean a lot less if they are with strangers. But most of us use technologies to communicate with people we already know. And that helps relationships grow stronger. “Communication online has the same beneficial effects that communication offline would have if we already know people,” Kraut says.
Keith Hampton, an associate professor of communication and public policy communication at Rutgers University, has conducted a number of studies in collaboration with the Pew Research Center measuring the effects of Internet use on relationships, democracy, and social supports. The idea that we interact either online or offline, he argues, is a false dichotomy. Through his studies, he too has become convinced that social media and the Internet are drawing us closer together—online and off. “I don’t think it’s people moving online, I think it’s people adding the digital mode of communication to already existing relationships,” he says.
In fact, his research has found that the more different kinds of media that people use to interact, the stronger their relationships tend to be. People who don’t just talk on the phone but also see each other, and email each other and communicate through four or five different mediums, tend to have stronger relationships with one another than those who communicate through fewer mediums, he has found.
Facebook, he argues, is fundamentally changing the nature of relationships in ways that have been lost since the dawn of the Industrial Revolution, when people began leaving their native villages behind to head to cities for new opportunities, and lost contact with the people they grew up with. “Thanks to social media, those types of relationships are persistent,” he says. “Now we may be connecting with people over the course of life that we didn’t before.”
Of course, Facebook and technology, Hampton argues, are not sufficient in their own right to fend off loneliness. But in conjunction with other modes of interaction, they can bolster existing relationships, contribute to diverse relationships, and keep dormant relationships alive. The overall effect of technology is to overcome the constraints of time and location that would have proven insurmountable before. Instead of Christmas cards, we get a constant stream of information. We can share in triumphs and know when to offer solace during tragedy. We are less isolated.
Hampton has heard the assertions by Turkle and others that technology is atomizing us and killing traditional interactions. So he decided to examine that contention too. In a 2014 article in the journalUrban Studies, Hampton and collaborators reported that they had studied four films taken in public spaces over the course of the last 30 years. For their study they observed and coded the behavior and characteristics of 143,593 people. They analyzed that behavior to see if, in fact, we really are “alone together” in a crowd.
In fact, Hampton found the opposite. There was, in the same public spaces, a notable increase in the numbers of people interacting in large groups. And despite the ubiquity of mobile phones, the rate of their use in public was relatively small, especially when individuals were walking with others. Mobile phones appeared “most often in spaces where people might otherwise be walking alone,” he wrote. “This suggests that, when framed as a communication tool, mobile phone use is associated with reduced public isolation, although it is associated with an increased likelihood to linger and with time spent lingering in public.”
None of this surprises Amy Zalman, president and CEO of the World Future Society, who spends her days organizing conferences, conducting research, and speaking with people who try to predict what society might look like a few decades in the future. She expects that technological tools to pursue human relationships will continue to evolve in unexpected ways. But she doesn’t expect them to change human nature. Human relating, she argues, has always been a highly mediated activity—even language can be seen as a tool on the same spectrum as technologies like social media or cell phones, a spectrum of tools we use to interface with others. It’s just that we notice these tools more. But that too will change. “Technology is going to get closer and closer, it’s going to get invasive—we are going to wear it; it’s going to be inside of us—and then it’s going to disappear and we are not even going to notice it,” Zalman says.
Some futurists believe we may plug into a matrix and communicate through a hive mind. Or perhaps we will relate through personal avatars, robots that resemble us, which we occupy remotely. Maybe our brains will be uploaded to computers. But whatever happens, in the end, the verities of happiness will remain the same as they were in the days of Aristotle. It’s never a mistake to go out and play, make friends, make love, and make an impact on society. Happiness is and has always been about our relationships with other people.

Adam Piore is a freelance writer based in New York.


Wednesday, September 16, 2015

The Former Top Cop Who Wants to Legalize Drugs

from newsweek 

BY  

NEill
Major Neill Franklin, who worked in law enforcement for 34 years, is executive director of Law Enforcement Against Prohibition (LEAP). COURTESY OF LAW ENFORCEMENT AGAINST PROHIBITION


Major Neill Franklin was one of Maryland's top cops when he retired in 2010 after 34 years in law enforcement. Over the course of those three-plus decades, he went from being an active supporter of the war on drugs to a staunch opponent. 

Franklin spent most of his career working for the Maryland State Police and Baltimore Police Department, starting with road patrol for the state police and later working in narcotics. With the state police, he rose to the position of commander of the Education and Training Division and of the Bureau of Drug and Criminal Enforcement, creating and supervising the "very first" Domestic Violence Investigative Units. 

He joined the Baltimore Police Department in 2000 to overhaul and command its Education and Training Section. After the BPD, he worked for the Maryland Transit Administration Police Force from 2004 to 2010.


Though Franklin had extensive experience in stopping the narcotics trade, one politician's bold statements against the war on drugs in the 1980s prompted him to think more deeply about whether it was worth fighting. Baltimore's mayor at the time, Kurt Schmoke, publicly stated that the war on drugs had failed—and that in addition to causing violence, it was disproportionately targeting minorities.


Along with that, the major turning point in Franklin's view of the war on drugs—from proponent to opponent—was a personal tragedy. In 2000, Corporal Ed Toatley, Franklin's close friend, was killed during an undercover drug deal.
"Ed's death personally connected me to the violence of the drug war," Franklin, 57, tells Newsweek. "I was no longer on the sidelines of violence—I was now in the game."
During his last two years with the Maryland transit division, Franklin became officially affiliated with Law Enforcement Against Prohibition (LEAP). He spoke with the nonprofit organization, which pushes for drug legalization, for two years and then served on its board for one year. He resigned from the Maryland Transit Administration Police Force in July 2010 and was appointed LEAP's executive director.
Newsweek chatted with Franklin, who is based in Maryland, about why he has become an advocate for drug legalization. This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

So what is your position on drugs?
Let me say this, and I think it's important—I hate drugs, whether it's cocaine, heroin, meth, prescription drugs, tobacco products, alcohol. But these are two separate issues, and what I'm trying to change is the policy in which we manage drugs. I wish that we could keep our kids away from drugs, because I do believe that they can potentially harm. The policy with which we manage drugs is a separate issue, and that's where I live.  The more problematic a drug can be, the more need we have for regulating it. In a nutshell, that's kind of my whole perspective on this whole thing, is how we manage something—drugs—that's here to stay? How do we manage it to where we use it as responsibly and safely as possible?

How do you use drugs like heroin and coke safely and responsibly?
I think there are two key points here: First and foremost is education. Because we prohibit these certain drugs, we don't do a very good job educating people. We think that because we prohibit the use, there should not be a need to educate. The bottom line is for the last four decades, we have not been living in a place of reality. Drugs have always been here, drugs are here, and drugs will be here for as long as we are. So the notion of a drug free society is just that—it is a notion, it is a dream.

The second thing is, because we prohibit drugs and drive the manufacturing of drugs underground and into the shadows, into a place of criminality, the drugs that are produced are very dangerous. Their properties are unknown. The potency is unknown. Therefore, when used by someone, they are potentially extremely dangerous.

A quick comparison is when you go buy alcohol, which is a very, very problematic drug, but when you go buy it, you know how potent it is, you know how much a percentage is in your beer, in your wine, you know whether it's 80 proof, 100 proof. You know exactly what the ingredients are and through that education, you can use it responsibly and safely.

How do we figure out safe volumes?
I think the first thing...we say to our kids is: "You're not an adult, so this is not legal for you to use," just like we do with alcohol. Then we say to them, "So it is our very, very strong advice that you do not use them." But that's not all we say to them. The third thing is, "If you find yourself in a predicament and you do use, here's what you need to know," and then it is teaching about the qualities, the properties, and the harms.

So it's almost like harm-reduction in the rave community?
I've had conversations [with] a couple people I know who dwell within the rave community. One young man in particular, he runs a group and what this group does is they go to rave parties and they provide education and kind of like, harm reduction packets for people. They can test what they have bought to make sure that it is MDMA, to make sure that it's not something else. And the interesting thing is that whenever the management of the clubs realizes or finds out that he and his group are on site, they kick them out, because they try to present the image that no one is using MDMA in a club. Dig hole, stick head in hole in the sand—that's what we do.... In some places, the local government has prohibited these test kits. It's actually considered drug paraphernalia. There you go—just leave people in a dangerous place.
What would regulation look like?

The first thing is to get people to realize—to admit to, to accept—the failure of our past policies and prohibitions. Once you get to that point to accept it, realize it, then we want to get you to the point of ending prohibition and designing a policy that works for your community. Now, the one thing we recognize is that there are literally hudnreds of options for regulatory models.

...So what's the best policy for marijuana? What's the best policy for cocaine and heroin in your community? I think what we're beginning to see with marijuana is that a reasonable policy is privately owned retail outlets. Maybe a best policy, depending upon your community, for cocaine may be a pharmaceutical model, where you have to get it from the pharmacist from behind the counter, but you have to identify yourself. Maybe the best policy for heroin is a supervised injection facility. So the uniqueness about that is it's medically supervised—the heroin that is distributed on site is of pharmaceturical grade and none of the heroin leaves the facility. However, if you have an addiction and you need a dose three times a day, you can go and acquire your dose under medical supervision.

What about addiction? Are you worried that by making it potentially easier for people to use hard drugs that more people will get addicted and maybe die?
[Laughs] I've talked to so many people who are addicted to different types of drugs.  Whether we're talking heroin, or cocaine, or meth, I've never heard one of them say, "You know what, I just can't find my drug of choice today." Not only is it so readily accessible to them, those who are addicted. In the same manner, in the same reason, it is very, very accessible to our young people, to our children. Our points of distribution have no regulatory system. They have no policies preventing them from selling to certain people, whether it's someone who's addicted, or a 14-year-old child. Furthermore, these tens of thousands of marketplaces in our country, they hire children—many of them hire children.
There's not one marijuana retail outlet—legal retail outlet—in Colorado that hires children. [Recreational use was legalized in the state in November 2012.] And I think of all the sting operations that they're running in Colorado, they're not selling to children either, so that's what happens when you have a regulated market. Drugs currently are accessible to any and everybody that wants them. So as long as you have the money, you buy them. They're yours. Really, the thing is, what we're talking about is consensual adult behavior. And in a free society, when you prohibit consensual adult behavior, you're going to end up with a very violent, flourishing criminal marketplace for that behavior, and with that criminal marketplace will come all of the harms that we see today with the war on drugs.

Public opinion has shifted dramatically on marijuana legalization, but what do you think is the general view of legalizing all drugs, including those described as scourges on society, such as heroin, cocaine and meth, etc.?
I think the temperatue of the public opinion is still, for those harder drugs, resistant because they have not yet been educated on the facts. They had been fed, like I had been, like many others had been over the past four, five decades, propaganda. We have learned what we know about these hard drugs from a very aggressive media campaign over the past four to five decades. I guess we need to understand: The harms that we see related to drug abuse are primarily there because of the policies of prohibition.

So what's next for your activism?
The next step is to continue connecting the dots, connecting the dots of the problems within our criminal justice system to the war on drugs.... To effectively reduce violent crimes, to deal appropriately with rapes and murders and all these criminal justice problems that we're seeing, we're going to make sure that people understand that there is a very strong tether connecting all of these criminal justice issues—that is, the war on drugs. That's the common thread.





Saturday, August 29, 2015

Native American Church






From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Native American Church insignia
The Native American Church (NAC), also known as Peyotism and Peyote Religion, is a Native American religion characterized by mixed traditional and Protestant beliefs and by sacramental use of the entheogen peyote. The religion originated in the U.S. state ofOklahoma in the late nineteenth century after peyote was introduced to the southern Great Plains from Mexico.[1][2][3] Today it is the most widespread indigenous religion among Native Americans in the United States, Canada, and Mexico, with an estimated 250,000 adherents as of the late twentieth century.[4][5][6][7]

History of the peyote religion[edit]

Peyote road
Peyote use originated in pre-Columbian Mexico as a medicine and a means of mystic revelation. The tradition spread north to tribes in the United States in the mid-nineteenth century and acquired its present form around 1885 and thereafter began its wider spread.[3][7]
The two current, major NAC chapters in the United States showcase this dichotomy: the Native American Church of the United States, the original umbrella incorporated church birthed in 1918 from which many other chapters are tied to, allows non-natives to participate, in regulation with state law. On the other hand, the Native American Church of North America, incorporated much later in the 1950s, only allows Native Americans with a 1/4 native blood quantum and CIB certificate to participate (Omer Stewart - Peyote Religion).

Development of the movement[edit]

Quanah Parker clasping a peyote feather fan
Peyote Rattle, late 19th-early 20th century, Brooklyn Museum; This peyote rattle was played during Native American Church ceremonies. The gourd symbolizes the world and the sound it makes represents prayers. The gourd’s zigzag decoration symbolizes Christ’s crown of thorns. The handle’s beaded lightning design, which signifies people's ability to ascend from earth to heaven, is encircled by a red horsehair fringe that represents the rays of the sun at sunrise, the hour when Christ rose from the dead. The medal attached to the handle reads “Behold the heart of Jesus is with me.”
Quanah Parker, along with other prominent roadmen, was influential in the adoption of the Native American Church by tribal entities in the United States. Even though historically ceremonies are much older, the NAC movement started generally in the 1880s and was formally incorporated in 1918 in Oklahoma. The genesis of modern NAC ceremonies have deep roots in both Mexican and Native American culture and ritual, due to the natural locality of peyote and the dissemination by Parker to theComanche and other plains tribes located in Indian Territory.[8][9]
Though there are many variations, the main two ceremonial styles of the NAC are the "half moon" fireplace and the "cross fire" fireplace. Parker learned the "half moon" style of the peyote ceremony from the Lipan Apache leader Chevato. The Lipan Apache learned the ceremony from the Comecrudo tribe of Southern Texas (Peyote Religion by Omer Stewart). The "half moon" fireplace hallmarks include the use of tobacco throughout, with very little to no use of the Bible in the ceremony. This does vary tribe-to-tribe. The "cross fire" ceremony (originally called the "Big Moon" ceremony) became prevalent in Oklahoma (initially among the Kiowa) due to the influence of John Wilson, a Caddo man who traveled extensively around the same time as Parker during the early days of the Native American Church movement. The "cross fire" ceremony has elements that separate it strongly from the "half moon". Usually, there is no tobacco used in the meeting and the use of the Bible is used extensively. Therefore, it is a merger of both indigenous ritual and Christian doctrine and belief.

United States law[edit]

A peyote set such as this is used by the medicine man during the peyote ritual.
Peyote ceremony tipi
As a result of the U.S. Supreme Court decision in Employment Division, Department of Human Resources of Oregon v. Smith, 494 U.S. 872 (1990), which, among other things, put the legal use of peyote by American Indians into uncertainty and potential legal jeopardy, Congress passed an amendment to the American Indian Religious Freedom Act of 1978 (42 U.S.C. § 1996), i.e., the American Indian Religious Freedom Act Amendments of 1994 (42 U.S.C. § 1996a), pertinent excerpts of which are given below:
Use, possession, or transportation of peyote
Notwithstanding any other provision of law, the use, possession, or transportation of peyote by an Indian for bona fide traditional ceremonial purposes in connection with the practice of a traditional Indian religion is lawful, and shall not be prohibited by the United States or any State. No Indian shall be penalized or discriminated against on the basis of such use, possession or transportation, including, but not limited to, denial of otherwise applicable benefits under public assistance programs.
—42 U.S.C. 1996A(b)(1).
Definitions
For purposes of this section (1) the term “Indian” means a member of an Indian tribe; (2) the term “Indian tribe” means any tribe, band, nation, pueblo, or other organized group or community of Indians, including any Alaska Native village (as defined in, or established pursuant to, the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act (43 U.S.C. § 1601 et seq.)), which is recognized as eligible for the special programs and services provided by the United States to Indians because of their status as Indians; (3) the term “Indian religion” means any religion (A) which is practiced by Indians, and
(B) the origin and interpretation of which is from within a traditional Indian culture or community; and (4) the term “State” means any State of the United States, and any political subdivision thereof.
—42 U.S.C. 1996A(c)
Protection of rights of Indians and Indian tribes
Nothing in this section shall be construed as abrogating, diminishing, or otherwise affecting (1) the inherent rights of any Indian tribe; (2) the rights, express or implicit, of any Indian tribe which exist under treaties, Executive orders, and laws of the United States; (3) the inherent right of Indians to practice their religions; and
(4) the right of Indians to practice their religions under any Federal or State law.
—42 U.S.C. 1996A(d)

Instruments[edit]

Shawnee altar cloth, ca. 1940,Oklahoma History Center
Native American Church instruments used in the peyote ceremony are as follows:
  • The peyote gourd rattle (also used in the Gourd Dance ceremony) consists of a hard wooden stick, with a vegetable gourd cut in half and affixed to a wooden or other hard stopper. It has a horsehair top with usually intricate threadwork that is removable at top. Leather fringe tassel affixed to the bottom of the gourd stick. It can be beaded or carved depending on the artist's taste. Finally, inside of the gourd is filled with stones, pebbles or other material to produce a special sound. This rattle is used to sing peyote songsduring the NAC ceremony.
  • The water drum is an iron kettle, with ears cut off, that is tied down with a deer, caribou, or other animal hide. It is tied down with stones or marbles along a certain formation along the side. It is filled with water halfway and produces a special, deep sound when played with a drumstick. It is played by the water drummer during the ceremony while the singer sings songs with a peyote rattle. The tempo played by the drum is usually rapid and quick.
  • The peyote drum stick is a single hard wooden stick used to play the drum during the ceremony. It is usually made from dense wood to produce a more satisfactory sound when played with the water drum.
  • The peyote staff is a wooden staff that is passed around with the water drum and peyote rattle. It is representative of holy god and is held up right during the ceremony. The staff is usually beaded or carved to match the gourd. Like the peyote rattle, it usually has a horsehair top affixed and removable.

See also[edit]

References[edit]

  1. Jump up^ http://www.facstaff.bucknell.edu/jms089/Z-Unpublished%20Work/Shields-Christ%20&%20Cactus.pdf
  2. Jump up^ Catherine Beyer. "Peyote and the Native American Church"About.com Religion & Spirituality. Retrieved 5 March 2015.
  3. Jump up to:a b "Native American Church"Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved 5 March 2015.
  4. Jump up^ "Native American Church". Retrieved 5 March 2015.
  5. Jump up^ "World Religions & Spirituality - Native American Church". Retrieved 5 March 2015.
  6. Jump up^ "University of Virginia Library". Religiousmovements.lib.virginia.edu. 2006-09-07. Retrieved 2011-07-09.
  7. Jump up to:a b "'A Brief History of the Native American Church'". CSP. 1996.
  8. Jump up^ Stewart OC. 1989. Peyote Religion: A History. Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press. ISBN 0-8061-2457-1.
  9. Jump up^ Alice Lee Marriott, Carol K. Rachlin, Peyote: An Account of the Origins and Growth of the Peyote Religion, New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co. (1971), 111pgs.

Bibliography[edit]

  • Hayward, Robert. The Thirteenth Step: Ancient Solutions to the Contemporary Problems of Alcoholism and Addiction using the Timeless Wisdom of The Native American Church Ceremony. Native Son Publishers Inc., 2011. ISBN 0983638403. -- Describes the Native American Church Ceremony.

External links[edit]