Wednesday, May 13, 2015

As Americans Legalize Marijuana, Colombians Mourn Drug War Victims

from worldcrunch.com


Article illustrative imagePartner logo Jeff Oberfelder and his estate near Lake Chelan
-OpEd-
BOGOTA — When I hear about people now selling marijuana legally in the United States, I think of all our fellow Colombians who have died over the years fighting America's absurd war on drugs. I think of Luis Carlos Galán and Rodrigo Lara Bonilla, two politicians gunned down by drug traffickers, and I imagine how these victims could have made Colombia a better place to live. What sense did their deaths have?
Then I hear the story of Jeff Oberfelder, an American marijuana grower whose website details the various strains of cannabis he can sell in the state of Washington. It appears that he became bored with plain old farming, abandoning his apples, cows and poultry, in order to produce marijuana on his estate near Lake Chelan, where he moved so his native Canadian wife could visit her family more easily. 
Since mid-2013, Oberfelder has been a licensed marijuana grower, deemed worthy by the regulating Liquor Control Board, which also regulates alcohol sales. He paid the initial $1,000 required, filled out 140 pages of forms, and invested $100,000 to develop his farm, where he cultivated 600 marijuana plants over 15,000 square feet.
He also paid $20,000 for software and security mechanisms, and $10,000 for cameras to monitor the site. His plants met the required standards and biological characteristics, and had no contact with pesticides and other harmful chemicals such as glyphosate, which Colombia's Health Minister Alejandro Gaviria has thankfully banned here.
So as a duly licensed marijuana producer, Oberfelder began his little farm in July 2014, which has since earned him a perfectly legal $500,000.
His wife and another person work with him during regular periods, and he hires more hands at harvest time, he tells El Espectador. With this operation, the couple and their five children are earning a living, a very good one. Some of the children smoke joints occasionally, as do Oberfelder and his wife, twice a week. One of the sons has used marijuana to alleviate chronic ear pain, he says.
Obelfelder sells his produce to authorized processors at $6 a gram. They pack them and sell them to retailers, which are currently few in number but growing, given the improving market. And while the marijuana sold on the black market doesn't offer the quality guarantees of that sold in authorized stores, that market hasn't shrunk because its product is cheaper. 
The marijuana market is definitely growing in the United States. There are constant television programs and fairs to promote it, and those states where it can be sold are raking in millions of dollars in related taxes. At the end of our conversation, I noted how hard this reality is for many to face in Colombia, where we have lost a lot of valuable people fighting this supposed US-led "war on drugs." 
Calling the American drug policy of the past "bullshit," Obelfelder said he can understand that marijuana legalization is hard for Colombians to confront. "And it's sad," he added. "Why did Galán and Lara die? For nothing, just bullshit!"
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Tuesday, May 12, 2015

It’s time to legalize marijuana

from americanblog.com



Marijuana’s has a strange history in America. In 1619 King James I (the King James of the King James Bible) ordered every colonist to grow one hundred hemp plants, which marijuana comes from, for export to England. The plant was used as a currency in Pennsylvania, Virginia and Maryland. George Washington grew it, and it served a variety of purposes for the early Americans. It was used to make rope, fabric, paper and many other products. In 1839, William O’Shaughnessy introduced marijuana to western medicine. Within a decade it could be bought in pharmacies for medicinal use across the US, and domestic growth of the plant was widespread until after the Civil War, when other materials were imported and replaced a lot of marijuana’s functions.
In the 20th Century, with the increase of Mexican immigrants to the US, American opinion towards marijuana took a turn for the worse. Mexicans brought with them a cultural appreciation of recreational marijuana use and, due to the xenophobia of the Americans in response to this influx of immigrants from the south, the “Marijuana Menace” became increasingly associated with Mexican immigrants while both became associated with all manner of violent crimes.
During the Great Depression, resentment of “jerb takin” immigrants surged. Through that resentment, paranoia about marijuana experienced a sharp increase. The Great Depression years saw many “studies” linking the use of marijuana to violent and criminal behavior and there was a rash of state bans on the drug. Following a propaganda movie called Reefer Madness, marijuana was (in effect) criminalized for non-medicinal and non-industrial purposes with the Marijuana Tax Act in 1937.
Hemp made a brief comeback during World War II because the military saw its usefulness in things like parachute cords. Seeds were handed out by the government and the draft was deferred for farmers who produced enough of it. The wartime hemp honeymoon was short-lived, however: A decade after the end of World War II, mandatory prison sentences for marijuana use were enacted, but they were repealed in 1970 because of how ineffective they were. When Nixon launched the War on Drugs, the independent organization he created to handle it recommended fully decriminalizing marijuana. Needless to say, Nixon disagreed.
President Reagan fared no better in his attempts to regulate marijuana, but he did make the punishments for marijana production and possession significantly harsher. By the end of his presidency, owning one hundred marijuana plants carried the same sentence as owning one hundred grams of heroin. Reagan also instituted a “three strikes and you’re out” policy, which required life sentences be given to people who were convicted of drug offenses three times. (For more details on the history of marijuana in America, check out PBS’s timeline.)
Reagan’s backwards approach to this subject has continued to some extent ever since. Such opposition is founded on ignorance, and it’s time we let it go. There are many ways in which marijuana legalization could do great things for our country.
It could kill the cartels
The Mexican drug cartels, which are waging a brutal drug war just south of the US border, rely heavily on marijuana profits. When a few states legalized marijuana they became a source of higher quality, lower cost marijuana, which did not have to be smuggled into the country. In the first 11 months after a number of American states legalized marijuana, its cost in Mexico dropped from 60-90 dollars/kilo to $30-40, and black-market imports of the drug have dropped by 32%.
If the demand for cartel-grown marijuana drops to 20 dollars/kilo, some economists speculate that it would crumble the Mexican cartel marijuana market altogether, forcing them to shift their focus to less-widely used drugs like cocaine and heroin. If the United States legalized marijuana all at once, the economic impact would be so sudden and severe that the cartels might not ever recover.
It stimulates the economy and raises tax revenue
marijuana money
Marijuana money, via Shutterstock
Take money away from the cartels, and it goes into the US economy instead. Since the legalization of marijuana in some states, it has become the fastest growing sector of our economy, generating us 2.7 billion dollars of taxable economic activity. The industry could be worth over $10 billion within 5 years. Colorado alone made $53 million dollars last year in tax revenue associated with the legal marijuana industry, and some estimate that national legalization could net the United States as much as $3 billion dollars annually. Legalization created over 10,000 marijuana-related jobs in Coloardo in one year alone. It would be great for the rest of the country to get a piece of that action.
These revenue gains also ignore the $42 billion the government spends every year to arrest people who use marijuana — money that could and should go elsewhere. Legal weed means the government has more money to spend on social services and fewer wastes of time and energy to spend it on.
We would no longer be sending our nation’s future to jail for harmless offenses
Our last three presidents all used marijuana at one point or another, but weren’t arrested for it. They were lucky. If they had been caught, they wouldn’t have been able to get into the schools they attended and they wouldn’t have been able to hold the jobs they held. They definitely wouldn’t have been elected to the political offices they held.
One can’t help but wonder how many would-be productive members of society are wasting away in jails or struggling in dead-end jobs because of our harsh prosecution of marijuana use.
52% of all drug arrests are for marijuana, accounting for 8.2 million Americans being taken out of society an into our dysfunctional criminal justice system every year. 88% of that 8.2 million were arrested for possession, with no indication that they had any intention to deal the drug. While Republicans blame America’s proven institutional racism problem and the struggles of the poor on single mothers and broken families, they are strangely silent about the devastating role marijuana prosecution is playing in black and impoverished families. Black people are 3.73 times more likely to be arrested for marijuana possession in spite of using the drug at more or less the same rates as whites. Well over half of all drug offenders have children. If we want poor and black children to have stable families, we should stop using our criminal justice system to destabilize them.
America has the highest incarceration rate in the world, housing 22% of the world’s prisoners. One of the reasons for this is that we’ve decided that carrying a plant that is less addictive and less harmful than bothalcohol and tobacco is deserving of jail time.
Marijuana is safer than legal recreational drugs. Legalizing it would create jobs, raise tax revenue and save money and lives. Growing and supporting its production are two of the few things that George Washington had in common with the King who commissioned one of the most widely read English translations of the Bible.
The only reason marijuana remains illegal is because of lingering paranoia and xenophobia, along with the historical ignorance of Presidents Nixon and Reagan. Write your Congressperson and your Presidential candidate of choice: It is time to legalize marijuana.

Max Mills is a 25 year old Computer Scientist in Texas with several years of experience writing and teaching. Although he writes about a variety of things, his main focuses are education and political accountability. You can follow him on Twitter at @MaxFMills


Saturday, May 9, 2015

Lessons Learned: The Journey to Legalize Marijuana and End the Drug War

from enewspf.com


07 May 2015 04:38 Written by Tony Newman


NEW YORK—(ENEWSPF)—May 7, 2015.
By: Tony Newman
For the last 15 years I've dedicated my life to ending our country's disastrous war on drugs. It has been an incredible journey, and I am happy to say that seeds that were planted a long time ago are finally bearing some fruit.
When I started my job at the Drug Policy Alliance in 2000, only 36% of Americans supported legalizing marijuana. Fifteen years later, the majority of voters support the idea, and four states and Washington D.C. have actually legalized it. In 2000, President "I didn't inhale" Clinton was overseeing an exploding increase in mass incarceration and practically bragging about his "tough on crime" policies and image. Fifteen years later, President Obama and Attorney General Holder are speaking out forcefully against mass incarceration, most presidential candidates from Hillary Clinton to Rand Paul are calling for reforms, and both Red and Blue states are looking to cut their prison numbers.
When I talk to family, friends and even strangers and tell them about my work, they often say that things seem to be changing and congratulate us on our progress.
Here are some reflections and lessons that I have taken from the struggle to end our country's sick, inhumane war on drugs.

#1) Even as Underdogs, I Would Rather Have Our Hand than Theirs

There is no doubt that the Drug Policy Alliance and our sister organizations are a small David up against a 50 billion dollar a year drug war Goliath. There are probably between 200 and 300 or so paid staff in our movement going up against a massive drug war and prison industrial complex that has access to hundreds of millions of dollars in advertising alone. But even in the dark years, I always preferred to have our cards than theirs. We have science, compassion, common sense, and justice on our side. They spew insane rhetoric, promote impossible goals like a "drug-free world," reject science, claim there is no benefits to medical marijuana, and try to justify locking people in cages just for using drugs.

#2) Taking Advantage of Drug War Hypocrisy

The war on drugs is so damn hypocritical. You can't watch TV without seeing ads for legal drugs like alcohol and pills while we are arresting 700,000 people a year for marijuana possession. We have political leaders across the spectrum (Obama, Bush, Clinton, Gore, Palin, Gingrich, Bloomberg, to name a few) who have admitted to using drugs, and yet we have others rotting behind bars for doing the very same thing. White and black people use drugs as similar rates but Blacks go to prison 10 times the rate of Whites. The public hates hypocrisy, the media loves to cover it, and the reform movement has used it to our advantage.

#3) Organizing Across the Political Spectrum : #NoMoreDrugWar

I got into this work as a progressive who wanted to get people out of prison. Before I started working at the Drug Policy Alliance, I did not know much about libertarians. But I quickly learned that they are a passionate voice against our oppressive drug war. Our movement is truly made up of folks from across the political spectrum. We don't agree on much, but there is commitment and unity in our fight against the war on drugs. The two leading Senators in the country on this issue are New Jersey Democrat Cory Booker and Kentucky Republican Rand Paul. A couple of weeks ago in D.C., a powerful bipartisan summit was held, called #cut50, dedicated to cutting the number of people behind bars by 50% in the next ten years. I haven't seen any other issue in our country that brings together such a diverse group of people.

#4) Bringing Five Fingers into a Fist

One of the longest, hardest battles we fought was to reform New York's draconian Rockefeller Drug Laws. For decades these laws locked up people, disproportionately people of color, for low-level drug offenses for 15 years to life. There was a diverse coalition of treatment providers, lawyers, families of those incarcerated, advocates, and celebrities that came together for years and were finally able to reform these laws. This was a big team effort and bringing together all of voices and expertise was crucial. It is hard to bring together the five fingers into a fist. But it is necessary and when it happens it can change laws and lives and bring people home from prison.

#5 Ending the War is a Racial Justice Issue

When Richard Nixon launched the modern day "war on drugs" 40 years ago he told his chief advisor that they had to figure out how to blame the Blacks without looking like they were blaming the Blacks. The drug war was launched. Forty years later, we are a society swimming in drugs. While everyone uses drugs, our enforcement focuses on mostly Black and Latino communities. 90 percent of those who served time under the draconian Rockefeller Drug Laws were Black and Latino despite equal rates of use and sales. Blacks are arrested 3 to 10 times more often than Whitesfor marijuana despite similar rates of use and sales.
The drug policy reform movement shines a light on these racial disparities. Bestselling authorMichelle Alexander wrote a groundbreaking book, "The New Jim Crow," that documented the racist drug war and criminal justice system and changed the conversation in churches and communities around the country. When Washington, D.C., legalized marijuana in November 2014, the driving force of the campaign was to stop the arrests and harassment of African Americans.
The tragic death of Michael Ferguson has called attention to communities around the country where African Americans face the brunt of all interactions with the police, not only over drugs, but for tickets and other small items that ensnarl them into the criminal justice system. More and more civil rights organizations, elected officials and the press are talking about the disparities in enforcement and the need to reform our country's laws because of it.

#6) Winning at the Ballot Box and Passing Legislation (Another World is Possible)

It is one thing to rail against the failed drug war, but we also needed to show people that another world is possible. In 1996, California became the first state in the country to legalize access to marijuana for medical purposes. Since then, 22 other states plus D.C. and Guam have adopted medical marijuana laws, and almost half the country now has legal access to medical marijuana. In 2012, Colorado and Washington became the first two states to pass marijuana legalization laws. Alaska, Oregon, and D.C. also followed suit in 2014. These victories have shown that not only does the sky not fall when we change our drug laws, but that, in fact, the sun shines. Tens of thousands fewer people being arrested for marijuana. Tens of millions of dollars are being raised in tax revenue. In 2014, California again made history when they voted to eliminate felony charges for simple drug possession -- a victory that's keeping thousands out of prison and jail.
The wisdom and success from voters has made it clear that alternatives work in the real world. It has also allowed our elected officials to evolve on these issues. If the people lead, the leaders will follow.

#7) The Wisdom and Voices of Those Impacted

People formerly incarcerated and their families were instrumental in reforming the Rockefeller Drug Laws. Families who have lost loved ones to a drug overdose have shared their stories and helped pass laws to prevent these tragic deaths. Patients have changed hearts and minds by showing the world the medical benefits of marijuana. Courageous folks who have felt the brunt and horror of the drug war have fought back and won many victories that have freed people, saved lives, made medicine available to those who need it, and reunited families.

#8) Have a Vision and Connect the Dots

The drug war has devastating consequences on so many levels. There are amazing groups who tackle individual aspects. The Marijuana Policy Project, Americans for Safe Access, and NORML have done great work to reform our marijuana laws. Groups like the Harm Reduction Coalition have helped reduce overdose deaths and HIV rates by increasing access to naloxone and sterile syringes. Our allies at Families Against Mandatory Minimums and the Sentencing Project have helped reduce the number of people behind bars. These are just a sample of issues and organizations working to end the drug war.
The Drug Policy Alliance tries to connect the dots and show how all of these issues make up the insane drug war. We want to weave these issues and advocates together to show how we are all working to create a vision of how society can reduce the harms of both drugs and drug prohibition - while also recognizing that drug use in certain circumstances can have benefits, too.

#9) You Can't Rest After a Victory

It has been frustrating and tiring to have to defend every victory. After decades of fighting to reform the Rockefeller Drug Laws, prosecutors and district attorneys fought tooth-and-nail to impede the implementation of the new law. It took us years to lift the federal ban on states using their HIV prevention money for syringe access programs. In 2011, we finally won and got the ban lifted - and then the GOP took over the Senate in 2012 and reinstated the ban.
We spend years fighting for commonsense, life-saving initiatives, but when we win, it doesn't mean the battle is over. We have to be vigilant against opponents who are determined to undo our progress.

#10) Not Afraid to Spank or Thank

Elected officials from both parties have championed our disastrous drug war. We have not been able to count on our elected officials when it comes to much of our progress over the last 15 years. But we will embrace elected officials when they do the right thing. We want them to evolve on this issue. We thank President Obama for not interfering or blocking states that have legalized marijuana. We applaud Mayor de Blasio when he tells the NYPD to stop making arrests for marijuana possession in New York City. And we thank Senator Paul for teaming up with Senator Booker and working on major criminal justice reform.
Yet we push back and attack these leaders when they do the wrong thing. For example, we slammed President Obama for not using his pardon power to free those who had spent years behind bars unjustly. He recently granted pardons to 22 people with drug sentences, but he has still used his power to pardon less than almost every other president in recent memory.

#11) Create and Build Momentum

We constantly try to build momentum and energy to first win victories, and then use that momentum for further progress. Whenever we are working to change a law, we use media attention and new allies to create enough momentum to help us cross the finish line. Whether we are trying to pass legislation to reduce overdose deaths or stop marijuana arrests, we have multiple waves of actions, press conferences, reports, mobilizations, and voices of support to get us there.
We use victories to secure other victories. Colorado and Washington became the first two states to legalize marijuana in 2012. We highlighted the successes of those initiatives: the reduction of marijuana arrests, the decrease in crime, and the increase in tax revenue to help show the voters of Oregon, Alaska, and D.C. the wisdom of legalizing during the 2014 elections. We also use the momentum around legalizing marijuana to advance our other agenda like reducing the number of people behind bars for simple drug possession.

#12 Despite Progress, the Drug War Grinds On

For all of the progress over the last 15 years, the war on drugs is still vicious. The worst drug war policies remain entrenched, as close to three-quarters of a million people are still arrested for marijuana possession every year, and half a million people are still behind bars today for nothing more than a drug law violation. The bloodbath in Mexico has taken 100,000 lives in the last eight years. And overdose fatalities have doubled in the last decade.
We are at a paradoxical moment in our country. We are clearly moving in the right direction, toward a more rational drug policy based on science, compassion, health and human rights. But we need to step up our efforts, grow our numbers, and continue to win hearts and minds, because the casualties from the war continue to mount every day.
Tony Newman is the director of media relations at the Drug Policy Alliance (www.drugpolicy.org)

Tuesday, May 5, 2015

Report: Campaign to legalize LSD, other drugs as ‘Human Right’ gains traction overseas

from q13fox.com



POSTED 10:19 AM, MAY 4, 2015, BY UPDATED AT 10:22AM, MAY 4, 2015

OSLO — A movement to legally manufacture LSD, psilocybin and MDMA in an effort to create safer drugs and legitimize their use for spiritual enhancement is gaining traction in Norway, the New York Times reports.
According to the Times, a group titled EmmaSofia, which advocates certain uses of psychedelic drugs, is becoming nationally recognized in the typically reserved country. It has even garnered unlikely supporters, such as a retired Norwegian Supreme Court judge.
EmmaSofia recently started an online campaign pushing for the legal production of LSD, psilocybin and MDMA. Pal-Orjan Johansen, the founder of EmmaSofia, says the psychoactive drugs saved and transformed his life for the positive. He claims the drugs helped him beat an alcohol problem, a smoking habit and PTSD.
“I helped myself with psychedelics and want others to have the same opportunity without the risk of arrest,” Johansen told the Times.
Johansen admits legalizing the drugs will be an uphill battle in Norway, often known for its restrictive drug policies. However, he hopes to tap into a naturalist side of Norwegians’ psyche, pointing to a long tradition of nature-worshiping shamans among Norway’s indigenous people.
“People have used psychedelics for centuries,” Ketil Lund, a 75-year-old former Norwegian Supreme Court and advocate of EmmaSofia, told the Times.
But many say that long-entrenched taboos on psychedelic drugs, often held in government, will be too great to overcome.
“LSD terrifies governments,” Professor of neuropsycopharmacology at Imperial College in London told the Times. “It is their ultimate fear because it changes the way people look at the world.”
For more on this story, click here.






Monday, May 4, 2015

Aging popluation takes toll on U.S. prisons

from tampabay.com


Aging popluation takes toll on U.S. prisons

INSIDE COLEMAN PRISON — Twenty-one years into his nearly 50-year sentence, the graying man steps inside his stark cell in the largest federal prison complex in America. He wears special medical boots because of a foot condition that makes walking feel as if he's "stepping on a needle." He has undergone tests for a suspected heart condition and sometimes experiences vertigo.
"I get dizzy sometimes when I'm walking," says the 63-year-old inmate, Bruce Harrison. "One time, I just couldn't get up."
In 1994, Harrison and other members of the motorcycle group he belonged to were caught up in a drug sting by undercover federal agents, who asked them to move huge volumes of cocaine and marijuana. After taking the job, making several runs and each collecting $1,000, Harrison and the others were arrested and later convicted. When their sentences were handed down, however, jurors objected.
"I am sincerely disheartened by the fact that these defendants, who participated in the staged off-loads and transports . . . are looking at life in prison or decades at best," said one of several who wrote letters to the judge and prosecutor.
In recent years, federal sentencing guidelines have been revised, resulting in less severe prison terms for low-level drug offenders. But Harrison, a decorated Vietnam War veteran, remains one of tens of thousands of inmates who were convicted in the "war on drugs" of the 1980s and 1990s and who are still behind bars.
Harsh sentencing policies, including mandatory minimums, continue to have lasting consequences for inmates and the nation's prison system. Today, prisoners 50 and older represent the fastest-growing population in crowded federal correctional facilities, their ranks having swelled by 25 percent to nearly 31,000 from 2009 to 2013.
Some prisons have needed to set up geriatric wards, while others have effectively been turned into convalescent homes.
The aging of the prison population is driving health-care costs being borne by American taxpayers. The Bureau of Prisons saw health-care expenses for inmates increase 55 percent from 2006 to 2013, when it spent more than $1 billion. That figure is nearly equal to the entire budget of the U.S. Marshals Service or the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, according to the Justice Department's inspector general, who is conducting a review of the impact of the aging inmate population on prison activities, housing and costs.
"Our federal prisons are starting to resemble nursing homes surrounded with razor wire," said Julie Stewart, president and founder of Families Against Mandatory Minimums. "It makes no sense fiscally, or from the perspective of human compassion, to incarcerate men and women who pose no threat to public safety and have long since paid for their crime. We need to repeal the absurd mandatory minimum sentences that keep them there."
The Obama administration is trying to overhaul the criminal justice system by allowing prisoners who meet certain criteria to be released early through clemency and urging prosecutors to reserve the most severe drug charges for serious, high-level offenders.
At the same time, the U.S. Sentencing Commission, an independent agency, has made tens of thousands of incarcerated drug offenders eligible for reduced sentences.
But until more elderly prisoners are discharged — either through compassionate release programs or the clemency initiative started by then-attorney general Eric Holder last year — the government will be forced to spend more to serve the population. Among other expenditures, that means hiring additional nurses and redesigning prisons — installing showers that can be used by the elderly, for instance, or ensuring that entry ways are wheelchair-accessible.
"Prisons simply are not physically designed to accommodate the infirmities that come with age," said Jamie Fellner, a senior adviser at Human Rights Watch and an author of a report titled "Old Behind Bars."
"There are countless ways that the aging inmates, some with dementia, bump up against the prison culture," she said. "It is difficult to climb to the upper bunk, walk up stairs, wait outside for pills, take showers in facilities without bars and even hear the commands to stand up for count or sit down when you're told."
For years, state prisons followed the federal government's lead in enacting harsh sentencing laws. In 2010, there were some 246,000 prisoners age 50 and older in state and federal prisons combined, with nearly 90 percent of them held in state custody, the American Civil Liberties Union said in a report titled "At America's Expense: The Mass Incarceration of the Elderly."
On both the state and federal level, the spiraling costs are eating into funds that could be used to curtail violent crime, drug cartels, public corruption, financial fraud and human trafficking. The costs — as well as officials' concerns about racial disparities in sentencing — are also driving efforts to reduce the federal prison population.
For now, however, prison officials say there is little they can do about the costs.
Edmond Ross, a spokesman for the Bureau of Prisons, said: "We have to provide a certain level of medical care for whoever comes to us."
• • •
Except for the loud clang of heavy steel security doors that close behind a visitor, the Butner Federal Medical Center in North Carolina feels nothing like the prisons portrayed on television and in movies.
Elderly inmates dressed in khaki prison uniforms are not locked up during the day, but instead congregate with each other in their wheelchairs, wait for treatment in clinics and walk, sometimes with canes or walkers, through their living quarters.
Signs hang from the ceiling, directing prisoners to various units: "Urgent Care," "Mental Health," "Surgery," "Ambulatory Care, "Oncology."
"This facility mirrors a hospital more than a prison," said Kenneth McKoy, acting executive assistant to the warden at Butner, a prison about 20 minutes northeast of Durham. "We provide long-term care."
The facility is the largest medical complex in the Bureau of Prisons, which has 121 prisons, including six that have medical centers. With more than 900 inmates in need of medical care, Butner even provides hospice-like care for dying inmates.
In his "cell" on a recent day, Michael Hodge lay in a hospital-like bed where he spent his days mostly staring at the television. A prison official had just helped him get out of his wheelchair. A prison employee delivered his meals. He could hardly keep his eyes open.
In 2000, Hodge was convicted on charges of distribution and possession of marijuana and possessing a gun, and was sentenced to 20 years. When a Washington Post reporter visited Hodge in mid-April, he was dying of liver cancer. He died April 18, prison officials said.
"Tell my wife I love her," said Hodge, who said he was in great pain.
Many prisoners at Butner are as sick as Hodge was, McCoy says.
"Why are we keeping someone behind bars who is bedridden and needs assistance to get out of bed and feed and clothe himself?" asked Fellner, of Human Rights Watch. "What do we gain from keeping people behind bars at an enormous cost when they no longer pose any danger to the public if they were released?"
Hodge submitted at least four requests for compassionate release over the past few years, but none were approved by officials, according to his ex-wife Kim Hodge, whom he still referred to as his wife.
"The man is 51 and dying," Kim Hodge said in an interview last month. "He never killed nobody, he's not a child molester, he's not a bad person. Now he's going to die in there."
Taxpayers are increasingly picking up the tab for inmates who received lengthy mandatory sentences for drug offenses and have since aged and developed conditions that require around-the-clock medical care.
The average cost of housing federal inmates nearly doubles for aging prisoners. While the cost of a prisoner in the general population is $27,549 a year, the price tag associated with an older inmate who needs more medical care, including expensive prescription drugs and treatments, is $58,956, Justice Department officials say.
At Federal Medical Center Devens, a prison near Boston, 115 aging inmates with kidney failure receive treatment inside a dialysis unit.
"Renal failure is driving our costs up," said Ted Eichel, the health-services administrator for Devens. "It costs $4 million to run this unit, not counting medications, which is half our budget." Devens also employs 60 nurses, along with social workers, dietitians, psychologists, dentists and physical therapists. They look like medical workers, except for the cluster of prison keys they're carrying.
Down the hallway, inmates in wheelchairs line up to receive their daily pills and insulin shots.
Although the prison houses about 1,000 low- to high-security inmates, they are not handcuffed or shackled, except when being transferred outside the facility. A golf cart has been redesigned into a mini-ambulance.
At prisons such as Devens, younger inmates are sometimes enlisted as "companion aides," helping older inmates get out of bed, wheeling them down the halls to medical appointments and helping them take care of themselves.
"The population here is getting older and sicker," said Michael Renshaw, a Devens clinical nurse and corrections officer who noted the differences between working as a nurse there and "on the outside."
"Inmates get very good care here," Renshaw said. "But on the outside, maybe you would give a patient a hug or he would hug you. Here, you have to be able to maintain your borders. It's a prison."
As with all prisons, fights occasionally break out. At Devens, it's sometimes between patients who are in wheelchairs or, in at least one case, between an inmate who climbed out of his wheelchair and onto another prisoner's bed to assault him.
John Thompson, a patient-care technician who works with Devens's dialysis patients, said he knows a number of people who "want no part of" providing medical care to prisoners.
"But I just feel like they're good people," Thompson said. "And they're doing their time. Some guys have an attitude, but I tell them, if you show me respect, I'll show you respect."
Jesse Owens, a dialysis patient serving about 12 years for cocaine charges, said he's grateful for the care. "They're keeping us alive," he said.
• • •
Harrison's crammed cell at the Federal Correctional Complex Coleman in Florida near Orlando is devoid of the clutter of life on the outside. The space he shares with another inmate has only a sink, a toilet, a bunk bed with cots, a steel cabinet, two plastic gray chairs, a desk and a bulletin board with a postcard of a Florida waterspout.
From a tiny window, he can see Spanish moss draped over trees in the distance.
Forty-five years ago, Harrison served with the Marines in Vietnam. A machine gunner, he was shot twice and was awarded two Purple Hearts. When he came back, he felt as though he had nowhere to turn. He later joined a motorcycle group known as the Outlaws.
Harrison was approached by an undercover agent who was part of a law enforcement team trying to bring down the group, which had been suspected of illegal activity. He and fellow members of the club were offered a kilogram of cocaine to offload and transport drugs. He declined, saying none of them wanted to be paid in drugs.
"I didn't want drugs, because I really wouldn't have known what to do with them," Harrison said in an interview. "We didn't sell them."
But Harrison and the others took the job because the agents offered cash, and they needed the money. Over a period of several months, they would move what they believed to be real drugs — more than 1,400 kilos of cocaine and about 3,200 pounds of marijuana.
Harrison carried a gun for protection during two of the offloads. He didn't use it, but after authorities arrested him and fellow members of his group, he was charged with possessing a firearm while committing a drug offense.
His 1995 trial in Tampa lasted four months. His attorney at the time argued that "this was a government operation from beginning to end. . . . Everything was orchestrated by the government. . . . He was not a leader. The only leaders in this case, the only organizers in this case was the United States government."
The jury, nonetheless, found Harrison and the others guilty of transporting the drugs.
Harrison was sentenced to roughly 24 years for possessing cocaine and marijuana with the intent to distribute. The conviction on the firearms charge carried a 25-year penalty, meaning he is effectively serving a life sentence.
"There's no doubt that that's a harsh penalty," said U.S. District Judge Susan Bucklew during the sentencing hearing. "But that's what the statute says, and I don't think I have any alternative but to do that."
"I don't have a whole lot of discretion here," she said at another point.
"If I would have been given the right to not only judge the facts in this case, but also the law and the actions taken by the government, the prosecutor, local and federal law enforcement officers connected in this case would be in jail and not the defendants," juror Patrick McNeil wrote.
Six jurors signed a letter requesting a new trial be ordered, saying that if they had been told by the court that they could have found that the government had entrapped the defendants, they would have found them not guilty.
"Bruce Harrison had never been involved in unloading drugs," said his current attorney, Tom Dawson. "He didn't arrange for any of these drugs. The government did."
Andrea Strong, a childhood friend of Harrison, said he doesn't claim to have been a saint.
"But, in a compassionate world, this man would not be less than halfway through a sentence for a drug offense that happened 20 years ago," Strong said. "He would've done his time, paid his debt to society, and be released to his network of supportive family and friends."
Along with tens of thousands of other inmates around the country, Harrison is applying for clemency under the Obama administration's program to release drug offenders who have been in prison for at least 10 years and whose cases meet certain criteria.
"If I got out, I'd go back home and be with my three grandkids and help them out," Harrison said.
• • •
Another aging inmate at Coleman, 58-year-old Luis Anthony Rivera of Miami, has also applied for clemency. He was convicted of conspiracy to import cocaine and has so far served 30 years.
When he was sentenced in 1985, it marked his first criminal offense.
While in Coleman's maximum-security penitentiary, Rivera began painting with oil and watercolors, trying to re-create the world outside bars. When he was moved to the medium-security prison on the same grounds he wasn't allowed to bring his art supplies, and he can't afford to buy new ones.
But the move brought a new joy. He saw a tree for the first time in 10 years.
"It was amazing to see a tree," said Rivera, a former pilot who was in the National Guard and the Army and now spends his days working in the prison commissary stocking shelves and filling orders.
"I understand the system of putting people in prison. It works. No doubt," Rivera said. "But how much time you put them in for makes a determination. For the first five years, you suffer. You really do. They keep everything away from you — food, all your basics. So you long for them, watching a commercial on TV, seeing a product that you can't touch or have."
"But after then, you start to get hardened," Rivera said, his voice cracking.
If he does not receive clemency, how much time does he have to serve before getting out?
His lips quivered and his eyes filled with tears.
"I'm not," Rivera said. "I have life, plus 140 years."
Washington Post staff writer Julie Tate in Washington contributed to this report.
Aging popluation takes toll on U.S. prisons 05/02/15 [Last modified: Saturday, May 2, 2015 9:47pm] 
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